Election security in Oklahoma is something I’ve always thought we handled well. We use paper ballots. Voters can observe a scanner at their polling location as they feed their ballot into it, and the number on the screen increases. All the tallying is typically finished on election night, and the winner is known right away. Rarely is there talk of any kind of a recount. This year, too, I thought we had an equitable election – at least at first.
Most races I followed turned out close to where I expected. The only one that stood out to me the night of was a group of 9 proposals in Oklahoma City, all of which passed by similar percentages. I had expected some to pass, and some to fail. Other than being slightly disappointed on a few, that was the last I thought of it. Oklahoma certified on 11/11.
Since that time, a flurry of accusations of irregularities have been lobbied by numerous individuals across numerous states, thousands of whom filed affidavits, swearing their statements in. Some point to deficiencies in the process, others allege outright fraud. A video taken from security footage in Georgia seems to confirm many suspicions that were previously dismissed. This ultimately led me to do my own research locally, where I found some highly unusual patterns in the 2020 General Election results.
Trouble in Swing States
Certain swing states, on the other hand, went much differently. They kept counting for days, or weeks. Starting in the early morning hours of November 4, a solid lead for President Trump began to be erased, along with his hopes of a clean, immediate victory. In fact, this outcome matched exactly what I heard predicted in many media reports before the election, which was that it would look like Trump was winning on election night, but counting all the votes would take weeks, and could favor Biden.
Like millions of other Americans, I began to suspect foul play. At the time, we had little to go on, but videos quickly circulated of voters reporting irregularities like, the Sharpiegate incident in Arizona. Then in Michigan, poll workers infamously blocked the windows to their counting room. One by one, challenges arose in these states, leading to the Trump legal team bringing witnesses to their legislatures, which was then aired online for the world to see. So far, PA, AZ, MI, GA, and WI have held hearings. They are not the only states in question, either. Team Trump also has disputes in Virginia, and most recently New Mexico, too. As of today, several of these states voted on 2 slates of Electors yesterday, keeping the legal fight alive until January when the votes will actually be counted. Separate legal efforts, such as the one spearheaded by Sidney Powell, allege all Dominion voting machines, used in at least 29 States, are compromised to some extent, via Smartmatic software code embedded in them.
Now we come to when a patriot friend of mine, Brian Armstrong, tipped me off that components of Smartmatic software may have been used in Oklahoma’s voting machines.
This was certainly an alarming revelation.
After hearing hour upon hour of firsthand witness reports (consistent with their sworn affidavits) of how votes were manipulated, I wondered if the same thing could be done right here at home. I began digging into the numbers, and what I found alarmed me. The numbers aren’t just a little off, they’re off in specific ways that match what happened in places like Wayne County, Michigan, and Fulton County, Georgia.
It can all be boiled down to this: Oklahoma, Tulsa, Cleveland, and possibly Payne and other Counties show an anomalous rise in absentee votes for the November 2020 election, inconsistent with the rest of the state and historical voting trends. This “surge” of absentee votes benefited the Joe Biden/Kamala Harris presidential ticket, several Democrat statewide candidates, and multiple other contests.
I started by looking in my own county, Oklahoma County. Here I felt I would be familiar with most of the races, so the chances of spotting anything unusual would be the best. I quickly noticed a number of races had similar totals of absentee votes.
Observe the highlighted cells, showing between 50-55k votes on average:
Each of these races shows between 44,353 votes and 57,304 for either a Democrat candidate, or approval of one of the 9 Oklahoma City charter amendment proposals.
At first glance, it might make sense that people just filled out a straight party ticket, giving all their votes to Democrats. However, the proposals aren’t partisan, yet they have the same numbers. What’s more, the alternative choices don’t show the same consistency in their numbers. One city proposal received as few as 7,883 votes against, in the absentee vote, while another one (proposal #4) received 20,210 against, more than double. Why is one side of the vote so even?
Note: Brian and I both thought the OKC charter proposals passing was weird, because they had been added to the November ballot when the city council called for a special election, in August. There was virtually no campaign for them, and a few had some opposition. Often in these cases, Oklahomans tend to vote against questions or proposals they don’t fully understand. Both state questions failed this election, too.
The next place to look is in other counties, or the statewide totals. Do these trends, which seem like anomalies, match the rest of the election? The answer is no.
Let’s look at the presidential election statewide:
At 163k to 111k, Biden won in the statewide absentee vote 60.2% to 39.8%.
In Oklahoma County, that was 65.2% to 34.7%, or 5% higher.
Further, when you subtract Oklahoma County from the rest of the state, in order to isolate it, the rest of the state’s absentee vote was more like 57% Biden to 43% Trump, or a 7 point difference.
If you continue to look at the other races, such as 5th District US Congress or the Senate, it’s the same thing.
Having discovered this, I moved to Tulsa next, where I found what appeared to be a 30-35,000 vote surge there.
The presidential absentee ratio is 65-35%. The Senate went 64-36% for Abby Broyles, and Asamoa-Caesar took incumbent Rep. Kevin Hern by nearly 9,000, for 58% to 42% Why is it that completely separate races, with different candidates, also exhibited the same absentee voting patterns as Oklahoma County?
You might again try to explain it by saying Democrats tend to vote absentee in higher numbers, but if that’s the case, why in Tulsa County did all the Supreme Court and Court of Criminal Appeals judges get the same advantage? Do Democrats always vote to retain judges, and Republicans always vote against? I haven’t heard of that before.
Now look at how other counties across this same state, in the same election, voted. Here is a sample:
Payne County is highlighted, as I noticed absentee votes were more than double for Biden, vs. Trump. Compare those numbers to the nearly-even early vote, and obvious Trump lead on Election Day. Pottawatomie doesn’t do that, despite having a ~1,000 vote difference. From Brian’s research, it happened in Cleveland County (think Norman), too.
History Informs the Present
Another feature of Oklahoma voting patterns is the simple fact that Republicans outpace Democrats in the absentee vote, and have for years. Trump beat Hillary, Romney beat Obama. Brian’s research goes into more detail but let’s look at the history briefly.
In 2011, Oklahoma started its switch to Hart InterCivic eScan machines, which means reporting changed in 2012 from prior years. That’s enough to cover 2 election cycles and 2 mid-terms, and get an idea of the trends.
For the 2012 election, we had 2.1 million registered voters, 1.3 million of whom voted on or before election day, 64,007 by absentee. In 2016 that was slightly up at about 2.15 million RV, 1.4 million of whom voted, 101,253 by absentee. This year, registration was up another 100,000, 1.5 million voted, and absentee voting more than doubled to 280,885.
For Trump, statewide that reflects an 82% increase over 2016, which seems like a lot until you learn Biden’s increase is 374% compared to Hillary’s run! Of course this year we all expected MORE absentee votes, even a lot more. But why would Democrats be 4 times more impacted by COVID-19 than Republicans?
Hillary Clinton received 112,813 total votes from Oklahoma County. 11,979 were absentee. Biden received more than 4.5x that number (55,118), with 141,724 total. Since Biden never campaigned in the state of Oklahoma, and his policies stand to hurt Oklahoma’s industries, this doesn’t make sense.
All of this is the result of research that’s still in progress. Some of it has been presented to the voting public, as we did at OCPAC last week, but it really needs to get into the hands of the legislature, who can authorize an audit and help us answer the questions. For the electorate to trust our elections, we must either know they were conducted fairly, or otherwise root out the problems – including fraud, if it occurred.
To be clear, at this point no one has made an accusation that these numbers are fraudulent, or that massive fraud occurred in the election in this state. On the other hand there is more than enough cause to look into the process, audit the results, and give Oklahomans some assurances that our vote is secure. We may need to change some laws, like the one that paved the way for increasing the absentee vote in 2020 without the same requirements of prior years.
Smartmatic is not the name of any component of the InterCivic suite, as far as I’ve determined, but there may be some links or common history of the software. Dominion’s Smartmatic is roughly equivalent to Hart’s eScan, meaning they perform the same function. It’s plausible that they could share code. I have more digging to do in this area.
Some of the questions I would like an answer to are:
- How many absentee ballots were requested by voters, vs how many were returned?
- Do these numbers match, county by county? And did any counties have more votes than requests, etc.?
- Was the counting and tallying process conducted fairly and observed at all times by Republicans and Democrats?
- What is the process for adjudicating ballots if they can’t be read by the scanner, and how many ballots were adjudicated?
- Do the signatures on the returned absentee ballots match the application, and/or the voter registration file?
- Of the new registrations this year, were any thrown out or should be invalidated? (This may take years and never be fully answered)
There are many more questions. This is just the beginning.